Africa

SIERRA LEONE: HRW denounces rebel abuses Rebels are regularly committing atrocities against civilians in areas not far from Sierra Leone's capital, Freetown, Human Rights Watch (HRW) said on Friday. It called on the United Nations Mission in Sierra Leone (UNAMSIL) and the Sierra Leonean authorities to intensify efforts to end the abuses. HRW said it had documented numerous rebel abuses committed in January and February in Port Loko district, 40-65 kms from Freetown. The abuses, it said, included 14 cases of rape against girls as young as 11 years old, 118 abductions, three murders, and several cases of mutilation, forced labour, looting and ambushes, as well as the training of child combatants. [For full press release, see http://www.hrw.org/]

NIGERIA: More dead in renewed violence At least 10 people have been reported killed and scores of others are missing following renewed communal clashes on Saturday in south-western Nigeria, PANA reported on Sunday. News reports said that dozens of people were also injured in the hostilities between members of the Ife and Modakeke communities in Osun State. The dispute between the two neighbouring communities was reportedly triggered on Friday by a disagreement over land, PANA reported. The police confirmed that the clash took place and said initially that one person was killed and several people were injured. The area is said to be tense and under tight security, PANA reported. The two groups have had disputes in the past. The last one took place in January 1999 when a local government headquarters was relocated from an Ife to a Modakeke area, PANA reported. The violence in Osun follows recent clashes between Muslims and Christians in northern and southern states over the proposed introduction of Shar'ia - Islamic law. In a related development, the governor of Kwara State in western Nigeria said on Sunday on Nigerian television that the Shar'ia would not be introduced there, 'The Guardian' reported. The National Council of State announced last week in Abuja that the establishment of Islamic law in various northern states should be suspended.

All right Maggie!!! Is this your first creation? Looking good and it is just what we needed! I shall be adding to it, as well. Congratulations!

UNICEF: Thousands Dead in Mozambique Floods MAPUTO, Mozambique (Reuters) - The death toll from Mozambique's devastating floods is expected to reach several thousand as disease also takes its toll and rescuers reach isolated areas and discover more bodies, a U.N. official said Tuesday. Ian Macleod, a spokesman for the U.N. children's fund UNICEF, made his prediction as more rain was forecast in the region and a high-tech U.S. military force sought to bring order to frantic international relief efforts. ``From drowning, from diseases, the death toll will surely be in the thousands,'' Macleod told Reuters. Foreign military officials said up to 50 helicopters were in the skies and 100 boats deployed in swollen waterways as weather experts warned more rain was on its way, although not on the scale that had earlier been predicted. ``The cyclone has dissipated although we expect it to affect the weather in Sofala, Inhambane and Gaza provinces. Rainfall will be recorded in these areas, but not as heavy as we had earlier anticipated,'' said a Maputo weather forecaster. The U.N. World Food Program (WFP) said it was urging Mozambicans in the flood areas not to return home just yet. ``We are appealing to people not to move back to their homes but to wait and see what happens with the weather in the next few days,'' WFP spokeswoman Brenda Barton said. WFP workers are laboring to rebuild a washed out road connecting Maputo to the country's biggest refugee camp near Chokwe where up to 50,000 flood victims are being supplied only by helicopter. An advanced party of the American contingent was an early arrival at Maputo airport Tuesday. ``We are honored to be part of this international effort. We believe we can bring some unique capabilities that add value to the overall effort,'' Major-General Joe Wehrle told reporters on the tarmac after his C-130 Hercules cargo plane touched down. U.S. BRINGS INFRA RED CAMERAS The United States has rejected criticism it was slow in answering the call to Mozambique's deadly floods. Wehrle said that, from the military point of view, they arrived as swiftly as possible after getting orders to deploy Friday. But Graca Machel, the former Mozambican first lady married to Nelson Mandela, summed up the feelings of many of her countrymen when she said Western aid should have come sooner. ``You know it may sound ungrateful, but I think it came too late. We could have saved some more lives if we had this kind of support from the beginning,'' Machel told CNN Monday. ``Everyone was aware of the human tragedy that has been happening there. Why so late?'' Two aid flights carrying relief supplies from British aid groups were scheduled to leave Britain Tuesday for Mozambique, while the U.N. said it began flying in aid from Uganda in central Africa. Asian and other African nations are also expected to send teams to help the southern African country cope with the aftermath of its worst floods in living memory. South Africa, Britain, the Netherlands, France, Portugal, Spain, Libya, Lesotho, Malawi and Zambia are all in the country, where a million people have been affected by the floods. The U.S. brought its high technology to bear by using infrared cameras to scan areas devastated by floods and spot survivors. The equipment records terrain on video tape which will allow aid workers to decide where help was most urgently needed. The cameras can photograph a single person from a height of 10,000 feet (3,000 meters) and their infrared capability can spot life screened by leaves or foliage even at night. ``We have been asked to check railways and roads. The organization wants to assess damage to those,'' General Wehrle said. However there was a setback for the U.S. effort when maintenance problems delayed the arrival of six helicopters until Wednesday. About 600 U.S. Air Force personnel are expected for the operation, which could last up to four weeks.

It actually feels better having somewhere to post it, sort of feels like action.

Like getting it off your chest, so to speak. Yes, I feel the same way!

*sort of feels like action. Aw, I gotta admit I'm a helpless social romantic. Which of course doesn't mean, blabbing about stuff is any valuable action in itself, but it might get you better informed, helps to make better founded decisions as a voter, consumer and citizen. Like, I don't know a lot about Africa, but I was most impressed with Nelson Mandela when he went to this country (?) the other day (within this quarter?), assembled all warring parties, and told them that they (a) let their people down, (b) embarrassed all African nations with their attitude, and (c) should rather focus on how to feed everybody than how to kill everybody. The kool part was, everybody applauded. Wonder what happens now.

Hi Alexander, glad you didn't mind me creating a topic in 'your' conference. There is so much happening in Africa right now, not all bad.

When it is clashes, uproar and peacemaking, tell us here about it. That's what it is for, luv.

oo he called me luv - blush

From United Nations IRIN news sercvice NIGERIA: Ijaws, Itsekiris end conflict in Warri Ijaws and Itsekiris, who have been at war with each other since 1997 over the relocation of a local government headquarters in Warri, southeast Nigeria, have agreed to end their conflict, state-owned Nigerian Television Authority reported on Tuesday. A group of leaders of the Ijaw, Itsekiri and neighbouring Isoko communities met Nigerian President Olusegun Obasanjo in Abuja and informed him of their decision. The delegation, led by Gabriel Mabeaku, an Itsekiri chief, told reporters they had agreed to work together in the larger interest of their people. Mabeaku said the communal violence, which characterised life in the southeast throughout much of 1999, had forced investors out of the oil town of Warri, creating hardships for all communities in the area. The ethnic leaders have now pledged to support investors willing to return to the area, saying that their youths, to whom the violence was attributed, were now with them. NIGERIA: Dusk-to-dawn curfew imposed in part of Osun State The governor of the south-western state of Osun, Adebisi Akande, has imposed a dusk-to-dawn curfew in the Yoruba communities of Ife and Modakeke to stem six days of violence over land rights. In a broadcast on Osun State radio and television, he said the curfew would be effective from 6 p.m. to 6 a.m. (17:00 GMT to 05:00 GMT). `The Guardian' reported on Wednesday that at least 32 people were killed and over 100 homes burnt down. Many other businesses, including banks and hotels, were damaged. State Police Commissioner Johnson Nwoye narrowly escaped death when attacked at Odo-Okun. The commander of the Ife Division of the police, Ade Sinaba, was injured in the cross fire between the two communities, the Lagos newspaper said. Police have created a buffer zone between the communities so that they can clear roads leading to the scene of the clashes. The BBC reported that schools remained closed and that streets were unusually deserted. Yoruba leaders met representatives of both communities on Tuesday to calm tempers and broker reconciliation, Ife community spokesman Orayemi Orafidiya told AFP. Frederic Fasehun and Beko Ransom-Kuti of the pan-Yoruba nationalist organisation, the Oodua People's Congress (OPC), told community leaders they needed to keep the peace so that Nigeria's nascent democracy would survive after 15 years of straight military rule. Fasehun is the founder and leader of a faction of the OPC and Ransome-Kuti (brother of late musician Fela Anikulapo-Kuti) is treasurer. Both men were imprisoned under the regime of General Sani Abacha, who ruled Nigeria from 1993 to his death in 1998. NIGERIA: Governors in south and east take steps to protect lives State officials in eastern and southern Nigeria have tried to reassure northerners resident in their areas that adequate security has been taken to protect their lives and properties following the recent deaths of hundreds of Muslims in predominantly Christian areas. Police and other security agencies mounted a 24-hour surveillance in the eastern state of Enugu where 5,000 northerners, fearing more sectarian violence, have sought refuge at the 82 army division base, state television reported on Monday. The Muslims fled attacks staged in Imo and Abia states in retaliation against the killing of Christians in the north. Anambra State Governor Chinwoke Nbadinuju told traditional rulers, council chairmen and town officials that his state would provide non-indigenes adequate security. Nbadinuju, accompanied by special projects minister Dan Chuke, visited northerners who had taken refuge at the 302 Field Artillery Regiment in the eastern trading city of Onitsha. In Akwa Ibom State, Deputy Governor Chris Ekpenyong told northerners who had fled to the state police headquarters that they could return to their homes because their protection was assured. In Rivers State, Governor Peter Odili said his administration would make all resources available to secure lives and property there.

SIERRA LEONE: Humanitarian access still limited Humanitarian agencies do not have access to seven out of 12 districts in Sierra Leone, the UN Humanitarian Assistance Coordination Unit (HACU) said in a 7 March situation report. The districts, Bombali, Tonkolili, Kambia, Kailahun, Koinadugu, and Port Loko, in the northern region and Kono in the east, make up 80 of Sierra Leone's 149 chiefdoms and have a total population of some 2.4 million people. Operations in these areas, which are mainly limited to emergency relief, are carried out under very difficult circumstances and are characterised by frequent disruptions and uncertainty. Assistance programmes aimed at rehabilitation and reconstruction of devastated communities "await more favourable conditions", HACU said. In contrast to much of the north, Southern Province, Western Area and some parts of Eastern Province are relatively safe, resulting in programmes of reconstruction and rehabilitation in agriculture, education, road rehabilitation and restoration of health facilities, HACU reported. The police force and traditional chiefs are in place in some of these areas, helping to maintain law and order. SIERRA LEONE: Urgent humanitarian priorities In most areas assessed by humanitarian agencies the priorities for urgent intervention include: the rehabilitation of water and sanitation facilities, agricultural support especially in the northern and eastern regions, rehabilitation and support for the health sector, and close monitoring of the food security situation, particularly in rural areas. Other urgent priorities, the UN Humanitarian Assistance Coordination Unit (HACU) said in its latest situation report, are: rehabilitating the educational infrastructure and providing learning materials, reinforcing bridges and arterial routes before the start of the rainy season in April, closely monitoring returning refugees and internally displaced persons, and increased support to the DDR process to facilitate access. SIERRA LEONE: Tension between UNAMSIL and RUF The relationship between UNAMSIL troops and Foday Sankoh's Revolutionary United Front Party is tense at the moment, HACU reported on 7 March. On 25 February, UNAMSIL told the parties to last year's Lome peace agreement to stop obstructing the movements of UN peacekeepers as they deploy across the country. The warning - which was not the first of its kind - followed "numerous occasions" on which peacekeepers have been blocked by rebels of the Revolutionary United Front (RUF) manning "illegal roadblocks", a UNAMSIL statement issued in Freetown said. "This is despite repeated assurances from RUF leader Foday Sankoh that all such roadblocks would be removed," the statement added The RUF's refusal to allow UNAMSIL to deploy in key areas has not only reduced hopes of improved security conditions, but has also raised concerns over a possible military confrontation which could increase the dangers faced by aid workers on the ground, HACU said. The Special Representative of the UN Secretary-General to Sierra Leone, Oluyemi Adeniji, has warned Sankoh that continued violation of the peace accord would invite a "forceful response". Over 7,000 of the approved 11,100 UNAMSIL troops are on the ground and forces have been deployed to Makeni, Port Loko, Lungi, Daru, and Kenema. However there has been little or no progress in disarmament in the northern and eastern parts of the country, with the exception of Port Loko District, according to HACU. In the eastern town of Daru, fewer than 100 people have been disarmed, most of them ex-Sierra Leonean army soldiers wishing to be considered for the new army. The disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration programme (DDR) has not yet started in Makeni as DDR officials were unable to secure existing facilities for the encampment of the former fighters. Two sites have been identified, but construction, due to begin this month, will take some 4-6 weeks, HACU said. Rebel checkpoints have been re-established in the Makeni area but despite this, the RUF has given assurances that aid agencies would be granted free access. So far these promises have been kept but the situation there remains volatile, HACU said. LIBERIA: Ex-fighters stage protest in capital Hundreds of former fighters protested in the capital Monrovia on Monday accusing the leadership of their association of embezzling some US $100,000, Star radio reported on Tuesday. The demonstrators, ex-combatants from Liberia's civil war, attacked their head office and removed the leadership, replacing it with an interim body. The former leaders are also accused of misusing the organisation's vehicle for commercial purposes. The ex-coordinator of the combatants association, Eric Meyers, has denied the allegations. The money was donated to the former combatants association by private sources, Star reported the demonstrators as saying.

I should have added this postscript to the above postings. [This item is delivered in the English service of the UN's IRIN humanitarian information unit, but may not necessarily reflect the views of the United Nations. For further information, free subscriptions, or to change your keywords, contact e-mail: irin@ocha.unon.org or Web: http://www.reliefweb.int/IRIN . If you re-print, copy, archive or re-post this item, please retain this credit and disclaimer.]

"GEMOCIDE" IN SIERRA LEONE Sierra Leone is a nation rich in natural resources -- especially diamonds - but it ranks as the world's poorest country, a place broken by a decade of civil war whose hallmark was the butchery of innocent civilians on an unprecedented scale. Today, the war has ended -- but peace has not yet taken hold. And as the United Nations assembles a peacekeeping force of 11,000, ominous signs abound: Rebels continue to mine and sell the diamonds that turned 400 rag-tag soldiers into a formidable army of 25,000 - many of them children, or running with the rebels since they were children. Attacks on civilians continue, and large swaths of the country remain cut off from relief. Hundreds of thousands have fled their homes, and half amillion who have left their country remain in refugee camps where food supplies are dwindling. There is little hope people will return to their fields and jobs until there is peace. Thousands of children have been forced to fight in this war, and thousands more await assistance after having suffered terrible degradation, maiming and terror. U.N. peacekeepers already in Sierra Leone have had difficulty disarming rebels whose leaders promised they would lay down their weapons - but who instead have forced U.N. troops to back down and stripped them of rifles, ammunition, fuel, armored personnel carriers, and rocket-propelled grenades. While no American troops are expected to serve as peacekeepers in Sierra Leone, the United States will spend hundreds of millions of dollars on this force. Our country plays another role too:Americans buy 65% of the world's supply diamonds -- including most of those rebels are selling in order to buy narcotics and weapons. [This item is delivered in the English service of the UN's IRIN humanitarian information unit, but may not necessarily reflect the views of the United Nations. For further information, free subscriptions, or to change your keywords, contact e-mail: irin@ocha.unon.org or Web: http://www.reliefweb.int/IRIN .

Re: "luv" - isn't that very British? Or Welsh? I nearly went and busted a Brit publicans nose when he called me that. I thought he was trying to insult me. I guess there's a guy handling the tap at the Prince of Wales in Uxbridge that thinks Germans are kinda odd.

(and now we know why maggie had a conversation with you in her dream!)

Men don't usually call men it!! Just not done you know, unless you're a luvvie!Not in my neck of the woods , but I do get called it down the market all the time. I'd be careful of the prince of wales *grin*

NAIROBI, March 16 (Reuters) - More than a quarter of a million people have fled their homes because of an upsurge in fighting in the east of the Democratic Republic of the Congo in the past two months, aid agencies said on Thursday. Gangs of armed militias are roaming the forests of eastern Congo, preying on local people, even as the United Nations prepares a peacekeeping mission to the country, they said. "Over the last two months we have seen a dramatic increase in the number of internally displaced," said Charles Petrie of the U.N.'s Office for the Co-ordination of Humanitarian Affairs in Kigali, the Rwandan capital. The number of people forced from their homes in the provinces of North and South Kivu alone had risen by 250,000 to around half a million in the last two months, Petrie said. In the whole country more than a million people have fled their homes since war broke out in Congo in 1998. U.N. figures show that less than 200,000 displaced people receive systematic assistance, and aid workers are talking about a humanitarian crisis. "The displaced are dispersed within local communities and are barely surviving," Petrie told Reuters. "Malnutrition rates in the fields and health centres (of Kivu) are enormous." Fighting has intensified in eastern Congo this year between Congolese rebels, backed by troops from Rwanda and Burundi, and local militias opposed to their presence in the country. Congolese Mai Mai warriors are fighting the rebels beside remnants of the Interahamwe militias, Rwandan Hutu extremists who led Rwanda's 1994 genocide before fleeing into Congo. Civilians often bear the brunt of the fighting as the militias loot and destroy their villages. for more current news, click on the link below http://news.africa.com/

INTERNATIONAL POLICIES, AFRICAN REALITIES Session Three: Peace and Security Panelist Presentation: George Wachira Director, Nairobi Peace Initiative (NPI-Africa) Nairobi, Kenya (SCROLL DOWN FOR FRENCH VERSION Introduction In this discussion, I want to focus specifically on the complexity of conflicts in Africa and the challenges and dilemmas of peacebuilding, for a number of reasons. First, I think peace and security must fundamentally be about improving people's quality of life and relationships. For this to happen, Africa needs a proactive pursuit of peace and security that must consist in putting in place structures, processes and institutions that could forestall the deterioration of tensions and conflicts into armed conflict. Secondly, I think addressing the roots of conflicts in Africa is really addressing such important and fundamental issues as economic development, human rights and democracy, environmental degradation, etc. Thirdly, the nature of conflict-related emergencies, the multiplicity of their consequences, their persistence long after the conflict is terminated and the absence of tried and tested approaches in dealing with them, make conflicts a central concern in the continent. Fourthly, (which could very well be the first) my focus is influenced by my work in the field of peacebuilding and conflict transformation for the last nearly 10 years. This work has involved mostly grassroots peacebuilding and reconciliation work in diverse places in the continent. As a result, my reflections are more from the perspective of a practitioner than academic There is more or less a consensus with regard to the limitations of the traditional narrow military-and-external-threat understanding of peace and security. The "national security" doctrine especially during the cold war era focused on how a nation protects its "core national values" and "interests" against external threat through the use of military force or threat of it. In the developing world, and certainly in Africa, the doctrine was much more that of "state security" where the focus was not so much the security of the nation and its interests as that of the ruling elite--perceived to be the link that symbolized and held the new and fragile nation-states together. This approach was aided by ruthless state apparatus, which in turn enjoyed the support of super powers in the cold war arithmetic and was based on the assumption that African countries needed strong centralized rule in order to survive. Unlucky countries like Angola and Mozambique had the super powers support different elite camps in the countries to wage some of the longest and disastrous civil wars in the continent. Support by super powers encouraged regimes to disregard internal tension-generating realities that today should be the central concern of peace and security in African countries. These include, but are not limited to, the fragility of the African nation-states and their economies, chronic poverty, marginalization and exclusion from the political process, inequitable distribution of resources, etc., all of which are at the core of social justice. These tensions are exacerbated when interested parties organize around ethnic (or clan), racial, religious, linguistic and other differences to stake their claims. The result has been violent conflicts in one African country after another. Ironically, the very people that yearn for social justice end up hopelessly divided and at war with each other.=20 Africa's conflicts have exerted such heavy tolls on the people and their cultures, economies, infrastructure and environment, that it is a wonder how some have survived. Everywhere there are tales of heart-wrenching experiences in situations of conflict. Millions of deaths, displacement of people, psychological scars, starvation, destruction of community bonds, environmental degradation, proliferation of weapons mostly in the hands of non-state actors, are some of the consequences of the conflicts. =20 More often than not, a conflict in one country has tended to trigger off other conflicts or insecurity in a region, thus making it difficult to distinguish between intra- and inter-national conflicts. Regionalization of conflicts happens through movements of refugees, fighters and arms. Political activity among refugees becomes a major source of conflict as evidenced in the Great Lakes region of central Africa, as do ethnic and cultural affinities along borders. These problems are heightened by perceptions of direct or indirect encouragement of political activity by host countries. In the Great Lakes region, it is clear that one episode of a conflict creates the conditions for the next one. For example, in 1990 Rwandans exiled in Uganda in the 50s launched their comeback from Uganda. After the genocide in 1994, other Rwandans found refuge in eastern DRC. The current involvement of Rwanda in the DRC war is excused by Rwanda=19s need t= o neutralize politically active Rwandan refugees who might in their turn want to stage an armed comeback. Due to the regionalization (and, ultimately, internationalization) of Africa's conflicts, it is now commonly accepted wisdom that one cannot address conflict issues in just one country and not pay attention to the regional and international dimensions. Thus, solutions to the conflict in the DRC cannot be sought without paying attention to the conflicts in the neighbouring countries of Burundi, Rwanda and Uganda. The war in Sierra Leone was intimately connected with events in Liberia. Similarly, Kenya=19s increased insecurity in the urban areas and apparent arms race among its pastoral communities in the north is best viewed in the context of long periods of war and insecurity in the region, especially in Somalia and Sudan and the subsequent movement of people and arms into Kenya.=20 In itself, the proliferation of arms in the continent is of important significance to peace and security. As states engage in wars or fight rebels, keeping track of arms (especially those defined as "light" or "small" arms) becomes very difficult as control regimes collapse. Arms that are today in legal (government) hands easily become the illicit ones in tomorrow's wars, car-jacking and bank robberies. As already mentioned, ordinary herders in Kenya, Uganda, Ethiopia and Sudan are armed with sophisticated weapons, ostensibly for protection of their herds. In reality, these weapons have been a major source of insecurity in the area as they are used in raids and counter raids within and across national borders that the governments in the region might not be able to control save by deploying their combined militaries along the borders. For Kenya, the entire northern belt is a security nightmare. A number of Africa's major conflicts have been funded through illegal trade in some of the natural resources. Thus, in the DRC, in Sierra Leone and in Angola, diamond and gold mines, oil fields and even forests are always a major prize for any side of the conflict. With all its diamonds and oil and relatively small population, Angola ought to be one of the richest countries in Africa. Mineral wealth is often both the reason and the means for some of the long-running conflicts. Fighters on all sides benefit from the mineral wealth while arms merchants are only too happy to keep the fighters supplied for a cut of the mineral wealth. In spite of the UN ban on unofficial diamond sales these still find their way to Western capitals.= =20 A worrying trend in Africa that is gaining roots is the privatization of security. In its more universal sense, this takes the form of mercenaries who wage wars on behalf of both internal and external actors in African conflicts. Its more localized version is the "hired thugs" who are used by political actors to visit violence on opponents. Urban insecurity has also been in the increase, leaving citizens to devise "self-help" security arrangements as the police can no longer cope. The rise in urban insecurity has been connected to the general deterioration of economies, thus forcing people (mostly gangs of educated but unemployed youth) into violent and daring crime. In Nairobi, for instance, well organized crime syndicates rival and often outdo the police in their sophistication. Indeed, Africa's unemployed and increasingly restless youth pose a major security concern. But it is not all gloom and doom. There are some positive developments in Africa that need to be recognized and encouraged. Continental and regional groupings are increasingly involved in responding to conflict issues within and among their member states. From the OAU to IGAD to ECOWAS to SADC, conflict management and peacemaking have become a central agenda. This is an indication that the continents' institutions are beginning to rise to the challenge of conflicts. However, it would be interesting if these regional bodies could facilitate processes where more than just the armed parties in the conflict come to the negotiating table. In cases like Sudan, Burundi, DRC and others, attempts should be made to listen keenly to the people on whose behalf the wars are purportedly being fought, a move that could only enhance the chances of implementation of any agreements. This could be a major innovation to African peacemaking. At another level, Ecumenical organizations such as the All Africa Conference of Churches (AACC who, together with the World Council of Churches, were instrumental in the negotiations and signing of the 1972 Addis Ababa Agreement between the government of Sudan and southern rebels) have also been closely involved in peacebuilding work in a number of settings, working through the faith communities. Cutting across the levels, but concentrated mostly at the micro level, are a host of NGOs and other civil society organizations that have sprung up in the continent in the last decade. All these are indications that people are willing to claim security as a concern not to be left only in the hands of the state. In any case, the state has often been the main violator of people=19s security by either commission or= ommission. Africa's leadership must bear responsibility for peace and security or its absence in their countries. There has been a tendency (mostly Western media-driven) to assess the performance of Africa's leadership in relative terms of how better than their predecessors or neighbours they have done. From this perspective, President Moi of Kenya is judged at how well he has kept his country strife-free as compared to neighbouring Sudan or Somalia, while President Museveni of Uganda is judged by how well he has kept Uganda together as compared to regimes before his. Not too long ago, the leadership in Rwanda, Uganda, Eritrea and Ethiopia was hailed as new-breed and visionary, a harbinger of better things to come from Africa. Several years later, there is no immediate evidence of any innovation on their part that could provide long-term solutions to the problems of the Horn of Africa and Great Lakes regions; on the contrary, the regions' stability seems to have deteriorated and become more militarized. More objective criteria (for example how well the leaders nurture institutions that ensure stability, social justice and national cohesion in the long term) need to be encouraged. Peace and security would better be served if African countries spent less on armament and war preparedness and more on socio-economic development.=20 Lastly, some observations on the challenge of healing and reconstruction: Reconstruction after conflict is often understood in the limited sense of rehabilitating physical amenities and infrastructure destroyed in the conflict. Indeed, this is very important as destruction of infrastructure and other strategic installations forms a central part of any war campaign. But reconstruction after conflict should be approached differently than if one were dealing with consequences of a natural disaster, paying equal attention to the human dimension of our conflicts (or reconciliation if you will.) While natural disasters can bring even sworn enemies together, united in grief and compassion, conflicts tear people apart and destroy bonds, leaving deep psychological scars. Most of Africa's conflicts have been marked by very high civilian death tolls and some of the vilest atrocities imaginable. From Liberia to Mozambique, Sudan to Angola, Rwanda to Somalia to Sierra Leone, the conflicts leave indelible marks in the collective memories of the people. In some countries, generations of young people have grown up knowing only war. In Liberia, Rwanda, Sierra Leone, Uganda and Sudan children have been both direct targets of violence as well as participants in it. Many have watched as their parents, friends and relatives were killed and dismembered, or participated in these acts. There are thousands of women traumatized by wars. We therefore have war-scarred generations across the continent who must somehow fit in the reconstruction equation lest their experiences become the breeding ground for future atrocities. With the exception of cases like South Africa, the important work of healing of memories and closure after protracted conflicts has been seen as incidental to the building of a sound, developing country and rarely features in peace agreements intended to end the conflicts. In many instances, healing work has been left to non-official actors such as churches and NGOs whose relationship to the state is often one of mutual suspicion than one of partnership. Some of these actors are well intentioned and doing remarkable work while others are simply opportunistic. We suggest that rebuilding of human relationships after conflict must be a central and deliberate process recognized as such by authorities. In this regard, South Africa's TRC must be looked to as an example of an attempt to bring closure to an atrocious past so as to create the possibility for a prosperous common future. Neither the offering of blanket amnesty (as in the recent case of Sierra Leone), nor the pursuit of a strictly judicial process (as in the case of Rwanda) may guarantee the kind of peaceable future that is desired. =20 Rwanda is a very sensitive case and one risks being branded insensitive for suggesting certain things. There is no doubt that, emerging as it is from the atrocious war of 1994, a process of accountability for the deaths is needed. Rwanda also needs to be assured of its security from possible attacks from the remnants of the former army. However, these two measures can only be for the short term. The long-term solution for Rwanda's security lies in its leadership's courage to face up to the healing of the age-old conflict between its two main ethnic groups and working for meaningful co-existence between them. History especially places on the current leadership an onerous task. Reconciliation constantly demands more of the "victim" than of the "perpetrator"; more so if, ironically as in the case of Rwanda, the victim is also the victor! And this is not just an idle suggestion. Knowing the sheer number of people killed in the Rwandan genocide and the atrocities involved in this and the Sierra Leonian war, who dares to tell the victims to reconcile? And yet, who dares to tell them there is any other way forward? Repeatedly in Africa's conflicts, there are no victims and perpetrators, only victims. Especially where the violence seeps downwards and infects not a few hundred people but entire communities, then we have to sharpen our tools for finding solutions. To refuse to face up to these questions is to condemn our countries to endless cycles of pogroms. South Africa, though not necessarily perfect and of a different history, is one example where the victim turned victor has shown tremendous magnanimity toward the former aggressor as a way of fostering national reconciliation, even in the absence of any significant reciprocation from the latter. We have to start somewhere to break the cycles of violence that are stifling our countries. Conclusion Africa's peace and security lies not necessarily in elaborate war preparation and policing, but more in working systematically to address tension-generating issues that breed violent conflicts. These issues have to do with responsive, inclusive and accountable governance, respect for people's rights, sound management and stewardship of resources, expansion of economic opportunities, etc. Working at these issues is the best preventive action. Similarly, more attention needs to be accorded to healing and reconciliation work so as to break cycles of violence that characterize Africa's conflicts. It is emphasized here that reconciliation does not mean a simple "forgive and forget" approach, but a more systematic process of healing memories akin to the South African TRC.=20 All these, of course are long-term processes requiring action at different levels, by different actors (internal and external), and persistently over a period of time. Had we started on, and sustained, these processes at independence, our stories would probably be different.

INTERNATIONAL POLICIES, AFRICAN REALITIES Session Three: Peace and Security Panelist Comment: Hussein Solomon Research Manager at ACCORD The twentieth century has not been kind to Africa. The century started with most of the continent under the rule of some or other European power. With the start of the decolonisation process with Nkrumah's Ghana there were high hopes for Africa. Sadly this was not to materialise. The bane of the African was not improved by the fact that state structures inherited from the former colonial powers were essentially weak and therefore independent African States could not meet the basic needs of their citizens. The inevitable result was social agitation and conflicts - one of the hallmarks of the contemporary African polity. In this situation authoritarian despots in the forms of the Amins', Bokassas' and Mobutu's appeared further entrenching the notion of a crisis-prone continent. In 1998, for instance, Africa experienced 7 major conflicts, 31 other conflicts and 37 African States were experiencing various. Such a conflict-prone environment,needless is neither investor friendly nor contributing to the human security needs of ordinary Africans. Consider the following statistics in this regard: * Africa's share of world trade has halved from 4 percent to 2 percent * In Niger, 320 out of every 1,000 children under the age of five die annually as a result of malnutrition and diseases associated with it * Two million Africans die every year as a result of the HIV/AIDS pandemic Various initiatives undertaken by African and international actors have failed to curb this rising tide of carnage and catastrophe. Why has this been so? African actors be it the OAU or sub-regional organisations such as SADC or ECOMOG are weak - often not having the necessary financial or human resources to implement their strategic designs. Often also, constituent member states (especially those with atrocious human rights records) have no interest in seeing a strong sub-regional or regional body which would necessary be intrusive in their "domestic affairs" and so the authority handed to these bodies is severely circumscribed by the "ifs" and "buts" of legalese. Meanwhile the international community often does not understand the complexity of conflicts taking place on the continent (see Operation Restore Hope in Somalia) and opt for the "quick-fix solution" which never works. Often proper analysis is substituted by the CNN soundbite effect. To take 1994 Rwandan genocide as an example - this is simply seen in ethnic terms as conflict between Hutus and Tutsis. However Rupesinghe and Anderlini, argue that: "...in Rwanda, one of the world's poorest nations, a rapidly increasing population coupled with decreasing agricultural productivity, few opportunities and uneven government support for rural areas, exacerbated social tensions. This, combined with a drop in teac and coffee prices in the late 1980s and structural adjustment policies implemented in 1990, led to even harsher living conditions and eroded the government's legitimacy in the eyes of the people. These factors in themselves did not create sufficient conditions for the outbreak of civil war or the genocide of 1994. Within the wider context, however, they were instrumental in the build-up of tension and grievance in a country with a history of social and ethnic divisions and recurrent communal violence". What this suggests is: 1. The need to approach peace and security holistically/comprehensively 2. The need to strengthen African sub-regional and regional organisations. Collective security such as this needs to take precedence over any claim to national sovereignty. The reason is obvious: insecurity anywhere is a threat to security everywhere. 3. There is a greater need to strengthen partnerships between such African organisations and the international community: from early warning analysis to training in effective preventive diplomacy and peacekeeping training.

2000-03-23 DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF CONGO: U.N. CHIEF IN CONGO CONCERNED FOR CEASEFIRE. KINSHASA, March 23 (Reuters) - The head of the United Nations mission to the Democratic Republic of the Congo has expressed concern over reports of increased fighting in breach of a 1999 ceasefire. "The situation is serious," Ambassador Kemal Morjane, head of the U.N. military mission in the Congo (MONUC), told Reuters late on Wednesday. "A week after the departure of (U.N. peacekeeping chief Bernard) Miyet, the ceasefire is not holding." Deployment of a 5,500-strong U.N. military observer mission to Africa's third biggest country has been made conditional on a proper ceasefire and security guarantees for the members of the force. The Security Council, which approved the observer mission in February, expressed dismay on Wednesday at reports of renewed fighting in the Kasai area of central Congo. It said the force could not be deployed while hostilities continue. The mission is to monitor the peace deal agreed in mid-1999 to end the war between rebels, government forces and troops from six other countries. Rebels accuse the government of launching attacks in violation of the peace deal, and threatened on Wednesday to take the war to Kinshasa if attacks continued. President Laurent Kabila's government lays the blame on the rebel side. A spokesman for Kabila's defence ministry told state television on Wednesday that rebel troops had repeatedly attacked government positions in Kasai since early March. "They continue to show their bad faith by perpetrating new ceasefire violations in recent days," the spokesman said, warning that the Congolese army would use all means possible to protect its positions. for more current news, http://news.africa.com/

NIGERIA: IRIN Focus on Poverty and conflict [This report does not necessarily reflect the views of the United Nations] KADUNA, Nigeria, 24 March (IRIN) - In southern Nigeria, the economic powerhouse of the country, the popular perception is that the historical political dominance of the north has translated into a discriminatory allocation of resources. But while the northern ruling class may have benefited from political power, judging from social indicators, their people have not. Latest figures from the Federal Office of Statistics (FOS) show that the core northern states have the lowest literacy levels, shortest life expectancy, and the highest under-five mortality rates in the country. Sokoto, Yobe, Jigawa and Kebbi states have literacy levels of 11 percent to 16 percent. If non-indigenes of the states are left out, the performance is even worse. By contrast the southern states of Lagos, Delta, Abia, Rivers and Ondo manage rates of between 64 and 89 percent. A 1996 FOS survey found that 43 percent of the population in the northwest and 37 percent in the northeast live below the poverty line. In the southeast, the corresponding rate is 18 percent. The southern-based media have also reported - gleefully - that Zamfara, the northern state that touched off Nigeria's current religious crisis by introducing Sharia (Islamic) law in January, has the highest rate of syphilis in the country. There are cultural and historical reasons for the discrepancies. Under British colonial rule, the northern Islamic emirates were largely self-governing and missionary schools were discouraged. In the south, however, people seized the opportunities presented by Western education. Status is still, to some extent, predicated on how many people an individual has managed to support through school. Unable to compete with the more developed south, the north has protected its interests by holding onto political power through successive military regimes. In the current Sharia crisis, in which some northern states have challenged the country's secular constitution by introducing the Islamic penal code, southern analysts suggest that religion is being used to obscure the failure to address poverty. "What these people are trying to do is political and not a reform of the legal system," a Kaduna-based human rights lawyer, Festus Okoye, told IRIN. "The only ready tool is religion." There is also a class dimension to the problem. In the north, the brunt of poverty is borne by the almajiris, young boys assigned to itinerant Islamic scholars, but who often wind up as street children. For Okoye, they are a "standing army that can be mobilised in defence of the faith". In the religious violence in Kaduna from 21-23 February, Okoye said there was "an element of class warfare", where the almajiri deliberately attacked symbols of wealth. Felicitas Iagbogun of the Kaduna chapter of the Federation of Women Lawyers (FIDA) says: "I don't think they understand the full import of what Sharia means, which allows them to be manipulated." The Sharia controversy has sparked a rethink over national unity. There is growing agitation in the south for a looser federation as a way of addressing the problems of coexistence. For more than two decades, Nigeria's homegrown affirmative action programme has supported northern states through a system known as the "federal character" which ensures a quota of university places and government jobs to indigenes in all 36 states. The allocation of state revenue by the central government is also partially based on a social development index that rewards states based on the number of children in school, but also rewards those with high dropout rates. "We are paying people to be educationally backward," a senior federal government official told IRIN. "WE gave incentives to close the education gap, but with no time limit, and we have been giving those incentives for the past 30 years." [ENDS] [This item is delivered in the English service of the UN's IRIN humanitarian information unit, but may not necessarily reflect the views of the United Nations. For further information, free subscriptions, or to change your keywords, contact e-mail: irin@ocha.unon.org or Web: http://www.reliefweb.int/IRIN . If you re-print, copy, archive or re-post this item, please retain this credit and disclaimer.]

U.S. Must Take More Steps to Help End War in Congo http://www.foreignpolicy-infocus.org/briefs/vol5/v5n10congo.html Prospects are fading for the swift deployment of United Nations peacekeepers to the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC or Congo) and, once again, the international community is left helping to wage war, rather than peace, in this pivotal African colossus. In the latest Foreign Policy in Focus brief, "War in the Congo," Thomas Turner, a political scientist at the University of Tunis, writes, "The Congo war is stalemated, and the country is divided into four regional regimes, each dependent upon foreign troops for its survival." An estimated 14 African countries have become "major players" in the Congo civil war, with the internationally recognized central government of president Laurent Kabila controlling only about half the country. Turner notes that the Congo conflict is also intensifying instability in neighboring countries, including Rwanda, Uganda, Zimbabwe, Namibia and Angola whose own civil war has escalated. Turner writes that while "outsiders-both African and non-African-have also contributed to this tragic morass," the United States "bears significant responsibility for the conflict in the Congo and therefore has an obligation to participate in its resolution." From the U.S. -authorized assassination of the Congo's first post-independence president Patrice Lumumba in 1961 through three decades of military and economic support for dictator Mobutu Sese Seko, Washington has contributed to the instability and impoverishment of this mineral-rich, but politically-bankrupt, country. Turner adds that at present "the U.S. has supplied weapons and training to eight of the governments directly involved in the [Congo] war." In February, the U.S. helped win UN Security Council approval to send a 5,500-strong monitoring mission to observe the cease-fire agreement signed by the key African states in Lusaka, Zambia in July 1999. While this represents a "minor diplomatic victory for the Clinton administration," Turner states that Washington needs to take a number of other steps. While defending the rights of ethnic minorities within the Congo, Washington needs to help ensure that non-state military forces are disarmed and to make clear, especially to its ally, Rwanda, that any claim that "would change [the DRC's] political boundaries is not valid and must be rejected." ***************************************************************** ForeignPolicy In Focus is a joint project of the Interhemipsheric Resource Center (IRC) and the Institute for Policy Studies (IPS). In Focus briefs document the problems of current U.S. foreign policy and offer recommendations for alternative policy directions that would make the United States a more responsible global partner. To subscribe to the New U.S. Foreign Policy discussion list, send a message to: newusfp-manager@zianet.com. Inside the body of the message write: Join newusfp [Your Email Address].

Africa�s latest and newest "Headlines News" site: www.africanewsnow.com AfricaNewsNow is Africa's first news portal site. Completely free, it works like a TV remote control, allowing both professionals and casual surfers to flick easily and quickly between latest African headlines from 123 leading news sites including: AP, AFP via Voila, BBC, CNN, REUTERS, updated every 5 minutes (subject to News availability), without visiting each site separately. AfricaNewsNow is designed to be Africa-relevant, making it ideal for an African audience. AfricaNewsNow Publishing Siegen, Germany http://www.africanewsnow.com

NIGERIA: Governors set up committee on Sharia ABIDJAN, 4 April 2000 (IRIN) - Governors from 19 northern Nigerian states decided on Monday to create a committee of Muslims and Christians to discuss introducing aspects of Sharia law into the existing penal code, according to news reports. The decision was taken in a consultative meeting of northern governors in Kano, Nigeria's second largest commercial city. Demands to apply the penal aspects of Sharia has led to other ethnic groups clamouring for their own "rights": Yorubas in the west have been calling for a national sovereign conference, Igbos in the southeast want a confederation, and governors in the South-South states that make up the Niger Delta say Nigeria, Africa's most populous nation, needs to practice true federalism. The army general who led the war to keep Nigeria one, Yakubu Gowon, has warned that confederation would lead to the disintegration of the country. While not explicitly suspending the implementation of Islamic Sharia laws, analysts told IRIN on Tuesday, the governors' action had slowed down the rising tempo of the crisis on the issue. "If the tide was not halted, the nation was going to disintegrate," Omolabe Adunbi, the human rights education project officer of the Civil Liberties Organisation in Lagos, told IRIN. He said fear that the military might regain political power and that President Olusegun Obasanjo - like Mikhail Gorbachev of the former Soviet Union - might preside over disintegration, possibly explained the governors' decision on Monday. A statement read by the chairman of Monday's consultative meeting in Kano, Attahiru Bafarawa, said: "We uphold the federal structure of Nigeria and condemn the call for a sovereign national conference in its entirety and we reaffirm our total support to the federal government under the leadership of President Olusegun Obasanjo." The Civil Liberties Organisation, Adunbi said, felt that past and present federal, state and local government interference in religious matters had led to the present crisis. Recently, he said, Vice-President Abubakar Atiku, led the Nigerian group of pilgrims to the Hajj, in Mecca. Christians in government also, he added, often lead similar delegations to pilgrimages in Rome and Jerusalem. "The CLO feels the state must stay clear of religion; that religion must remain a personal thing," he said. [IRIN-WA: Tel: +225 22-40-4440 Fax: +225 22-40-4435 e-mail: irin-wa@irin.ci] [This item is delivered in the English service of the UN's IRIN humanitarian information unit, but may not necessarily reflect the views of the United Nations. For further information, free subscriptions, or to change your keywords, contact e-mail: irin@ocha.unon.org or Web: http://www.reliefweb.int/IRIN . If you re-print, copy, archive or re-post this item, please retain this credit and disclaimer.]

GAMBIA: Banjul and surroundings calm Calm was restored to Gambia's capital, Banjul, and surrounding towns on Tuesday, a day after angry students and city hoodlums fought pitched battles with police which resulted in several deaths, Police Public Relations Officer Abdoulie Sanyang told IRIN. The demonstrators burnt cars and four police stations, and damaged telecommunications as well as other public and private property. They were protesting against an autopsy report on the death of Ebrima Barry, a high school student. He died after allegedly being beaten by firemen in the town of Brikama, about 30 km south of Banjul. The six accused firefighters are being held in remand. Throughout the week police maintained patrols in the streets of Serrekunda, a vast semi-residential neighbourhood and the centre of Monday's demonstrations some 12-15 km southwest of Banjul. The official casualty report, so far, is 12 people dead and 28 hospitalised. Government closes schools The government has responded by ordering the immediate closure of all schools and tertiary educational institutions. State House, the office of the president, condemned what it said was the "irresponsible and senseless behaviour" of the demonstrators, led by the Gambia Students Union, and said perpetrators would be held responsible. However, a coalition of five local human rights groups and the Gambia Press Union have condemned both students and government forces for the troubles. In particular, these bodies criticised the shooting of students and a Red Cross volunteer. "The alleged shooting, killing and maiming of students cannot be justified in any civilised society, especially one that professes to be democratic," the coalition said. The government denied its forces used live ammunition.

Stuff like this is happening while all our attention is focused on the little Cuban boy.

The human interest story always wins support and interest. Little countries like The Gambia get bypassed. Here's an update on the Rwanda situation post-genocide.RWANDA: Focus on the national unity and reconciliation commission KIGALI, 27 April (IRIN) - Commemorations of the sixth anniversary of the 1994 genocide earlier this month have put the spotlight on Rwanda's national unity and reconciliation commission, faced with the uphill task of promoting trust among the country's wary ethnic groups. The commission, which is provided for in the 1993 Arusha agreement for Rwanda, was officially set up last year to try and reconcile Hutu, Tutsi and Twa after the devastating war in which some 800,000 Tutsis and moderate Hutus were slaughtered. The choice of Aloisea Inyumba - a founding member of the ruling Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) and former cabinet member - as its executive director right from the start was intended to give the commission political clout. "Reconciliation is a major priority of this government, and therefore needs a committed cadre to give it political direction, I think that is why I was given this assignment," Inyumba told IRIN. During the war that brought the RPF to power, Inyumba - who is regarded as the most senior female politician in the party - was the director of finance travelling around the world to fundraise for the war effort. A major target of the commission is to promote acceptance of Rwandans of mixed Hutu-Tutsi ethnicity. In present-day Rwanda, these people are among the most traumatised. "They cannot find solidarity with Tutsi or Hutu and have to live with the contradiction that one part of them betrayed or killed the other half," said Celestine Mbonipa, a genocide survivor with a Hutu father and a Tutsi mother. Inyumba says the commission is trying to educate people that there is nothing wrong or special about ethnically mixed marriages. "We are all Rwandese. It is not easy for the old generation but the young generation is mixing and that is good for the country," she said. The commission's work spreads to all sectors of society in Rwanda, including monitoring government departments, political parties, the private sector and the population to ensure they adhere to the policies of national unity and reconciliation. "For example we ensure that people are not falsely accused of genocide by greedy people who want to take over their properties," Inyumba said. "We also work closely with genocide survivors' groups to make sure that justice is done...you can say we are part of every Rwandan's life when it comes to reconciliation." The little-known Twa people, numbering about 10,000, are also a focus of the commission. "The marginalisation of the Twa people is a dark side of our society," Inyumba said. "They have been systematically forgotten as if they do not exist." She said the commission had made a point of seeking their views on reconciliation "and they have genuine concerns". The commission has recommended affirmative action for the Twa in terms of free education and health services. "We want also the few that are educated to be given priority when it comes to employment," Inyumba added. Currently, there is only one Twa parliamentarian. A major challenge for the national unity and reconciliation commission is the demand for justice by genocide survivors, and the delay in genocide trials that has stretched the capacity of Rwanda jails to the limit. The introduction of community trials, known as "gacaca", due to start this year, is intended to ease pressure on the justice system and give reconciliation a chance. "Gacaca is based on a realisation that it is impossible for the Rwandan courts to try over 100,000 genocide suspects," Rwandan Prosecutor-General Gerald Gahima told IRIN. "We estimate that this will take over 100 years of trials. On the other hand community-based trials will take a relatively short time." Reaching out to Rwandans in exile is another challenge. Inyumba said she had met exiled former premier Faustin Twagiramungu in Belgium to hear his views on reconciliation. While expressing support for Inyumba's work, Twagiramungu said she was "working with the wrong people, such as [President] Kagame". "Reconciliation is not an administrative matter, and should be the business of the Rwandese," he told IRIN. "A truth commission is an ideal way to allow people to give views about genocide and bad politics ... the problem is killers trying to punish killers." International human rights organisations have also expressed reservations about some of the commission's working methods. Alison DesForges, a Rwanda expert with Human Rights Watch, said solidarity camps - set up by the government to promote reconciliation and demystify the use of weapons - are questionable. "The way solidarity camps are run is of much concern to us because people are trained in the use of firearms and this is done in the open on national television," she said. "Surely this is not the best way to promote reconciliation." She also said that while people in other parts of the country were taught to use arms, those from the northwest - a hotbed of anti-government insurgency - did not receive weapons training. "This is causing suspicion about the real intentions of the commission," DesForges added. Rwandan government members believe ethnicity is not the problem, but is being used as a political tool. "The problem we are facing now is the legacy of genocide that has divided our society," Theogene Rudasingwa, the political adviser to President Paul Kagame, told IRIN. "Sharp ethnic divisions ... are a distortion of our history where all the ethnic groups shared the same culture and language." The country's new prime minister, Bernard Makuza, told IRIN one of his objectives is to promote reconciliation "so that our people for the first time can see themselves as Rwandese not Tutsi or Hutu". The government wants to dispel the notion of the stereotypical physiognomy of Hutus and Tutsis. "There is no Hutu or Tutsi look, there is only the look of the ruling class, the working class and the peasant class," said Rwandan journalist Peter Gasana. The national unity and reconciliation commission says the stereotyping of Hutus and Tutsis is one of its major preoccupations. "Our history has been distorted," Aloisea Inyumba said. "To an outsider, Rwanda is about Hutus and Tutsis killing each other. The Interahamwe leader, Kajuga had a Tutsi mother but it did not stop him killing Tutsis." [IRIN-CEA: Tel: +254 2 622147 Fax: +254 2 622129 e-mail: irin-cea@ocha.unon.org ] [This item is delivered in the English service of the UN's IRIN humanitarian information unit, but may not necessarily reflect the views of the United Nations. For further information, free subscriptions, or to change your keywords, contact e-mail: irin@ocha.unon.org or Web: http://www.reliefweb.int/IRIN . If you re-print, copy, archive or re-post this item, please retain this credit and disclaimer.]

UN in crisis as guerrilla army seizes 300 troops By David Usborne in New York 6 May 2000 British military experts were arriving in Sierra Leone today where 318 UN personnel, including at least one Briton, have been taken as hostages and at least four peace-keepers have been killed. The Ministry of Defence announced that a team of about a dozen men drawn from all three services were due in the capital Freetown to advise the UN on how to improve the efficiency of its 8,500�strong operation in the west African country. But the UK has turned down an urgent United Nations request to send a rapid reaction force to help deal with the crisis which has engulfed UN efforts to maintain security in Sierra Leone. The situation escalated sharply yesterday as officials reported rebel forces had disarmed peace-keepers and commandeered 13 white-painted armoured vehicles. The crisis in the West African country may be turning into one of the UN's worst peace-keeping disasters. As well as seizing UN personnel � both soldiers and civilian observers � the insurgents of the Rebel United Front (RUF) have refused all appeals to release the hostages unarmed. The secretary general of the UN, Kofi Annan, approached Britain, the United States and France to mobilise a rapid-reaction force to move into the country to reinforce the 8,700-member UN mission. The three countries refused to commit any troops or logistical help. Britain and the US have indicated they might provide transport support but both ruled out any ground troops. The Foreign Secretary, Robin Cook, while condemning the attacks, said that Britain was sending "an advisory team" to Freetown, which is due to arrive today. "Britain would do all that it reasonably could to support the UN forces in their mission," Mr Cook told Mr Annan. The UN force was deployed in Sierra Leone in January to guarantee a peace deal that was struck last year between the rebels and the government. The leader of the RUF, Foday Sankoh, took a ministerial position under the deal but has since refused to honour a pledge to disarm his soldiers. The UN spokesman in New York, Fred Eckhard, confirmed last night that the numbers of personnel detained by the RUF had risen dramatically. "The numbers of detentions of UN personnel continues to climb," Mr Eckhard said. "The latest estimate could be as high as 318." By Thursday night, officials at the UN headquarters in New York believed that 92 people had been captured. Then yesterday there were reports that an additional 208 members of the Zambian contingent in the force had also fallen to RUF control. At one point, Mr Eckhard reported, some 100 Nigerian soldiers were also detained only to be released later, "minus their weapons". Officials believe that the RUF is using UN vehicles to mobilise its forces through Sierra Leone. Reports indicated that they were "on the move", Mr Eckhard said. The vehicles had apparently been taken from the Zambian contingent. Mr Annan called the attacks "outrageous and criminal". The peace-keeping force is multi-national, mostly made up of soldiers from African countries and India and was originally meant to reach a size of 11,000 soldiers. Not for the first time, however, the UN has had difficulty in persuading enough countries to contribute sufficient numbers to the force. If the effort in Sierra Leone crumbles into violence, questions will be raised about a recently authorised mission to send a smaller UN peace-keeping force to Congo. Mr Annan noted that events this week may also affect the willingness of Western countries to commit to future African peace-keeping missions. "After Sierra Leone, I think there's going to be very little encouragement for any of them to get involved in operations in Africa," Mr Annan said. "Ideally one would want to see a rapid-reaction force go in to assist. But this can only happen if those with capacity are prepared to offer." http://www.lineone.net/express/

ZIMBABWE: Teachers flee rural violence JOHANNESBURG, 5 June (IRIN) - At least 250 schools across Zimbabwe have closed down in recent weeks in the wake of a campaign of political intimidation against teachers. Human rights activists told IRIN had fled from violence or the threat of violence by supporters of President Robert Mugabe's ruling ZANU-PF party. There are some 6,000 schools in Zimbabwe. Bidi Munyaradze, director of the rights organisation, ZimRights told IRIN on Monday that teachers were perceived as supporters of the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), the main contenders against ZANU-PF in the June 24-25 parliamentary elections. He also said that in other rural violence ensuing from the occupation of more than 1,000 white-owned farms, a total of 6,028 people had fled the countryside to seek help at ZimRights offices in towns and cities. "Our concern now is that with three weeks to go before the elections, we are still getting reports of problems," he said. "We do not have political maturity or tolerance in this country and we are convinced that the elections will not be free and fair." He said the presence of international observers from the Commonwealth, the European Union and the Southern African Development Community (SADC), while comforting, had not "come close" to addressing the political violence in the run-up to the election. The head of the Zimbabwe Teachers Association, Leonard Nkala, and Munyaradze said it was difficult to trace many of the teachers because they were nervous of being followed. Nkala said some schools had not opened this term because of insecurity, while human rights activists said that ruling party supporters and independence war veterans behind the farm occupations had accused teachers of indoctrinating students, and frequently summoned pupils and teaches for "re-education' sessions. Many teachers had been beaten or humiliated in front of their pupils, and many had gone into hiding.[ENDS] IRIN-SA - Tel: +2711 880 4633Fax: +2711 447 5472e-mail: irin-sa@irin.org.za [This item is delivered in the English service of the UN's IRIN humanitarian information unit, but may not necessarily reflect the views of the United Nations. For further information, free subscriptions, or to change your keywords, contact e-mail: irin@ocha.unon.org or Web: http://www.reliefweb.int/IRIN . If you re-print, copy, archive or re-post this item, please retain this credit and disclaimer. Reposting by commercial sites requires written IRIN permission.]

What a human rights atrocity, persecuting teachers! They are the most needed pople in a developing society.

You know, in some ways, I hate posting in here - it's all so negative!! But I feel it's important we know about things going on. Maybe in some small way knowlege can change things. on a postive note to follow this thought: In Mali before the coup against the military government, teachers were repressed (together with everyone else). I just heard from a teacher whose class we visited and who was so appreciative that an interest is being taken in their work. By small things, like visiting a class, giving photos back, and giving encouragement - we/I can make a difference to people's lives.

DAKAR, June 8 (Reuters) - Senegal has decided to evacuate its nationals from Mauritania after the government there told them to leave in anescalating row over the use of water from the river that forms their border. In a statement issued late on Wednesday, Senegal said it would ``without delay take all the measures necessary to evacuate to Senegal all thepeople of Senegalese origin living in Mauritania, in line with the stated desire of the authorities in that country.'' The dispute, which began at the weekend, concerns a Senegalese scheme to use more water from River Senegal for irrigation purposes. Mauritanians and Senegalese alike have been hurrying home, fearing a repetition of the ethnic violence that killed hundreds in the twocountries in 1989. The Senegalese government denies any immediate plans to divert water and appealed to the Mauritanians to stay, saying they had nothing to fear. Mauritania told its people to leave Senegal and ordered Senegalese to return home within 15 days from Sunday, June 4. Senegal's new prime minister, Moustapha Niasse, flew to Nouakchott on Monday to try to calm things down, apparently without success. According to the Senegalese government statement, the Mauritanian authorities invoked a hostile press campaign in Dakar against Mauritania as a reason for its actions this week. The crisis appears to have been sparked by a report from Mauritania's official news agency at the weekend accusing Senegal of flouting a water-sharing agreement by pumping water from the River Senegal to irrigate its land at the expense of Mauritanian farms. Mauritania, a largely desert country to the north of Senegal, relies on the river water for much of its agricultural output.

We were living in the area in 1989 when the last major dispute erupted. It was VERY nasty and affected a number of of countries in the area and hundreds were killed in horrible ways. Even the small rural Gambian village which we lived in was affected with the Mauretanian shop keeper and his family who had lived there for 20 years or more fleeing in (unfounded) fear.

More than 100 killed in Congo fighting, militia says By ARNAUD ZAJTMAN, Associated Press KINSHASA, Congo (September 14, 2000 6:58 p.m. EDT http://www.nandotimes.com) - A pro-government militia on Thursday claimed to have killed nearly 100 Rwandan soldiers and six white mercenaries in eastern Congo. The claim from the Mai-Mai militia came a day after a rebel leader declared an offensive on the militia, after the Mai-Mai group killed 15 civilians in eastern Congo. A statement from Mai-Mai leader Gen. Padiri Kalendo, read on state television, said his forces killed 93 Rwandans and six mercenaries in the village of Nyanga Walikale, about 60 miles east of the eastern Congolese city of Goma. The fighting occurred Sept. 4-8, after Rwandan soldiers attacked a Mai-Mai stronghold in an attempt to capture Kalendo. The statement said hundreds of Congolese civilians were injured during the fighting and that 41 fleeing civilians were killed by Rwandan soldiers in the nearby village of Malembe. The Mai-Mai have been fighting in eastern Congo since 1960, when Congo achieved independence from Belgium. They are known for their belief in magical charms that they feel protect them in battle. They have become an increasingly potent force in that part of the country during the two-year civil war to unseat President Laurent Kabila. A top Congolese military commander said government officials are in close contact with the Mai-Mai, who control a number of villages in eastern Congo from which they launch attacks on the rebels. On Wednesday, Moise Nyarugabo, a leader of the Rwandan-backed Congolese Rally for Democracy, the rebel group that controls much of eastern Congo, said rebel troops battled for five hours with the well-armed Mai-Mai attackers after a truck ambush along the road to Kamanyola, 20 miles north of Uvira in South Kivu province. The Mai-Mai fighters, drawn from several tribes in eastern Congo, attacked the minibus outside Uvira on Tuesday, killing 14 passengers and wounding another six, Nyarugabo said. Most roads have become too dangerous to travel in eastern Congo where the Mai-Mai often fight alongside bands of Rwandan and Burundian Hutu rebels fighting to oust their respective governments. Rwanda and Uganda back the three rebel groups that are fighting to oust Kabila. Burundi also has troops in eastern Congo in pursuit of Burundian Hutu rebels. Rwanda accuses Kabila of failing to rid Congo of at least 10,000 Rwandan Hutu militiamen who fled there after participating in the 1994 genocide in Rwanda in which at least 500,000 were slaughtered on the orders of an extremist Hutu government.