Newsday
Ashcroft Ignores the Lessons of the Last Roundup
November 29, 2001
TODAY THEIR names do not instill fear.
They include Scalia and D'Amato, DiMaggio and Stallone, Grasso and Gallo. These names are shared now by people who hold positions of high public trust, or guarantee high gross at the box office. They are leaders of business, or legends for all time.
In another day, these were names of people - dark people with exotic customs - who were officially branded by the U.S. government as a threat to the nation.
They were roused from their jobs and from their sleep. They were dragged in without charge or guarantee of ever hearing one. They were brought before special tribunals, prohibited from seeing secret evidence against them.
They were ripped from their families and held indefinitely. Their reputations were ruined; their livelihoods destroyed.
They were, after all, aliens. Italy, their country of origin, was the enemy. It was war. And so it was ordered.
The report of the U.S. Justice Department on the treatment of Italian Americans during World War II is either perfectly timed or perfectly ill-timed, depending on your point of view. It was released this week because Congress ordered it a year ago. Lawmakers could not have known, then, how exquisitely apt the study would be now.
The law requiring the report has in its title a presumption by Congress that there was something terribly wrong about this ensnarement due to ethnicity. The law is "The Wartime Violation of Italian-American Civil Liberties Act." It assumes a clear violation, even though it was wartime.
History's voice speaks through these pages. It has a tone of truth not heard from the current Justice Department, with its policy toward Mideastern immigrants that bears such resemblance to this ugly ancestor.
In the immediate aftermath of the Pearl Harbor attack, President Franklin D. Roosevelt ordered the roundup not only of Japanese Americans, but of German and Italian Americans, some of whom had lived and worked in the United States for 40 or 50 years. But even before that, in the 1930s, J. Edgar Hoover had prepared.
"The Federal Bureau of Investigation drew up a list of those thought to be security risks to the nation," the report states. Those thought to be "most dangerous" were leaders of ethnic and cultural organizations. Others were deemed suspicious because they belonged to these clubs or simply because they were "known to support" them.
Then, as now, the questions put to the immigrants (some already had become U.S. citizens) bore no discernible relation to risk. One young woman's father was asked why his daughter spoke French and Italian so well; she lost her job at Saks Fifth Avenue, where she sometimes interpreted for foreign customers, because of his detention.
Today's FBI wants to ask 5,000 legal aliens from Mideastern countries how they "felt" when they heard news of the attack. The lawmen would also like to know whether these immigrants noticed anyone who reacted "in a surprising or inappropriate way."
Then, as now, arrest could come on minor violations, overlooked if commited by someone who was not ethnically suspect. Theresa Borelli was arrested repeatedly for violating curfews that applied to Italian Americans in California. Her crime: making hospital visits to her paralyzed son, who'd been wounded in the Army overseas.
Then, as now, it was government policy to detain immigrants as a way of soothing public nerves.
The act of wartime apprehensions, according to an Immigration and Naturalization Service document cited in the report, "served two important purposes: [It] assured the public that our government was taking firm steps to look after the internal safety of the nation, thereby preventing the growth of war hysteria; and it took out of circulation men and women whose loyalty to the United States was doubtful and who might therefore commit some inimical act against the nation."
Congress required this history to be revealed. It told the Justice Department to use the review "to determine how civil liberties can be better protected during national emergencies."
This clause is mostly ignored by John Ashcroft, who signed the report. Instead, the current attorney general merely states his belief that his department is doing just fine, this time.
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